Canada’s Drone Blind Spot, and What It Can Learn from Ukraine
Lessons from drone warfare Ukraine
While I focus on monitoring defense tech developments in Ukraine, I always try to look at what Ukraine can offer to other countries—and it turns out, quite a lot. My research shows that procurement systems in many NATO countries, including Canada, are painfully slow and not adapted to rapidly evolving threats. The understanding of modern warfare is often far removed from the current battlefield realities. That’s where Ukraine has valuable insights—and it’s ready to share them.
I’ve been working on this piece for about a month. It all started with impressions shared by several Ukrainian drone manufacturers I met at CANSEC—and from there, it evolved into something deeper. I had the chance to gather interviews and insights from Canadian defence industry professionals, and connect the dots between Ukraine’s battlefield experience and Canada’s evolving approach to drone warfare.
Feel free to read and share!
When a Ukrainian drone-maker walked into CANSEC, Canada’s top defence trade show this May, his reaction wasn’t subtle: “It seems that Canada is completely unprepared for any war. Most Canadian military personnel have not seen the latest technologies — they haven’t seen FPV drones, reconnaissance drones, unmanned surface vessels, or ground robotic systems. That could cost them dearly down the line”.
Canada is not at war, and a major military conflict doesn’t appear imminent. But tensions are real. Verbal threats from the US administration to Canadian sovereignty persist, and both Russia and China continue to stage military exercises in the Arctic region. Reports suggest that hybrid provocations targeting NATO countries, including Canada, are expected to increase in the coming years.
As the United States moves toward drone dominance by 2026, planning to mass-produce low-cost systems, reduce oversight delays, and hand procurement authority directly to combat units, Canada risks falling further behind unless it develops a clear, responsive strategy for unmanned systems of its own.
Now, Canada is also part of a global military buildup race, having pledged to “rebuild, rearm, and reinvest” in its Armed Forces. In June, Prime Minister Carney announced the long-awaited increase in defence spending to 2% of GDP, but hitting that target is only part of the story. While Ottawa mentions new radar drones and Arctic sensors, details remain vague, raising questions about whether the government truly understands what’s needed.
Unmanned systems are widely used in Canada and around the world for various civilian purposes, such as crop monitoring, delivering cargo to remote locations, rapid transport of blood and organs, or unmanned evacuations from danger zones.
But the real difference lies in their military applications, an area where Canada may be missing opportunities and could learn from its ally, Ukraine, which has emerged as a global leader in drone warfare.
Ukraine’s more than 500 drone manufacturers offer a shocking array of systems. Naval drones are used to disable enemy fleets and attack bridges. Ground drones perform remote mining, cargo transport, and frontline evacuations. Fiber-optic drones can withstand extreme electronic warfare conditions. Interceptor drones fly faster than the enemy’s and neutralize them — a cost-effective alternative to air defence missiles.
That said, what works in Ukraine might not work in Canada, and vice versa. While small attack UAVs have revolutionized warfare in Ukraine—responsible for 75% of combat losses in personnel and equipment—they may not fit Canada’s conditions. “Ukrainian Armed Forces rely on FPV drones because of real shortages in manpower and artillery needed on the frontline. FPVs are 100% important, but the question is, is that the right balance of capabilities we should be aiming for?” commented Richard Shimooka, Senior Fellow of the Macdonald-Laurier Institute.
Instead, Canada has committed to purchasing 11 large MQ-9B drones, known as Reapers, from the US-based General Atomics, for $2.5 billion CAD, intended for polar reconnaissance and maritime patrol. These drones have shown limited effectiveness in conflict zones like Ukraine and Yemen, where several have been shot down. “In case of any confrontation or provocation in the Arctic, the cost of losing even one is substantial,” according to Ukrainian reconnaissance drone producer Airlogix.
Researching the market and identifying which capabilities are truly needed among the hundreds of drone types available is the best policy advice anyone can offer. And ultimately, the military must determine those needs. “Instead of chasing off-the-shelf solutions, we need to define what capabilities we actually require — is it short-range FPV drones, or long-range platforms with heavy payload capacity? Do we need logistics support, autonomous flight in contested environments, or advanced mapping and target identification? Those answers lie with military commanders,” says Brian D. Fentiman, CEO of British Columbia–based BlueForce UAV Consulting.
Unlike its adversary, Ukraine has decentralized the production and procurement of unmanned systems, tailoring them to real-time feedback from military units on the ground, rather than relying on top-down decisions from Kyiv.
It has recently created a military marketplace dubbed the “Amazon for the Military,” where units can directly browse products offered by the industry and place orders based on their specific needs.
This is an advantage even Russian forces would like to have, but (luckily for Ukraine) it remains out of reach due to their rigid, state-controlled system.
In addition to strategically identifying operational needs, Canadian companies should aim to localize drone production, with strong government support behind that effort.
As Nicolas Breidi from the Montreal-based start-up L'aube étoilée puts it: “Like in many other countries, most drone components (motors, electronics) still come from China. So, the question is: should a drone company aim for full autonomy? I believe we must learn how to produce everything ourselves — motors, electronics, and even processors.”
While this is a difficult task, it offers significant benefits once achieved: independence from unpredictable geopolitical risks and unstable partnerships.
Ukraine is facing the same challenge. While many of its drones still depend on imported electronics, fiber-optic cables, and optics from China, Israel, and beyond, the country is making strides toward localization. In March, Ukrainian firm Vyriy Drones presented 1,000 fully domestically produced FPV drones — a milestone that proved self-reliance is possible. The Ukrainian government now offers incentives and long-term contracts for companies that achieve 50% or greater localization.
There are several opportunities for both the Canadian public and private sectors to learn from Ukraine’s approach to the production, procurement, and deployment of unmanned systems.
Recently, Ukrainian President Zelensky announced plans to open Ukraine’s defence production facilities abroad, noting that talks are underway with countries including Denmark, Norway, the UK, and Canada. Just days later, Ukraine and the UK reached a landmark agreement: Ukraine will share frontline data with British firms to accelerate the mass production of drones. As the UK Ministry of Defence put it, “Technology data sets from Ukraine’s front line are set to be plugged into UK production lines, allowing British defence firms to rapidly design and build, at scale, cutting-edge military equipment available nowhere else in the world.” We may learn more about the upcoming Ukraine–Canada partnership agreement(s) in the coming weeks, but the process needs to accelerate.
The two countries share a longstanding military relationship, particularly through Operation UNIFIER, Canada’s mission to train Ukrainian military personnel. But times have changed, and now Canada has much to learn from its Ukrainian counterparts, especially when it comes to drone warfare. This is not without precedent: in April, Denmark announced it would send unarmed military personnel to Ukraine for short-term drone warfare training. A similar initiative by Canada could deepen its understanding of the urgency surrounding unmanned systems and help clarify what is truly needed for Canada’s own defence priorities.
The main lesson Canada can take from Ukraine is the ability to adapt quickly. Not to get bogged down in bureaucracy, but to restructure government programs and institutions in a way that allows rapid investment in private companies capable of delivering fast, effective solutions within the country, rather than looking abroad for ready-made fixes that may not fully meet national needs. “Canada could learn from how Ukraine handled the first year of the war: how it launched grant programs, reformed its state apparatus, and streamlined the standardization and certification of UAVs. That’s the direction to take now—so that more drones can be produced and used more effectively,” commented a representative from the Ukrainian Airlogix.
Ukraine’s experience shows that even under extreme pressure, it’s possible to build a dynamic, decentralized drone industry and rethink what modern defence looks like.
While Canada is not currently involved in an armed conflict—and hopefully won’t be anytime soon—the increasing global militarization and geopolitical tensions demand attention. According to Jared Burns, CEO and co-founder of Arctic Horizons, one of only three Canadian firms named to Defense Post’s Top 100 Drone Defense Companies for 2025, the absence of an immediate conflict provides an opportunity for Canada to thoroughly study lessons from contemporary battlefields and to build a robust industrial base and skilled workforce prepared to meet future challenges.
Canada has the talent, the tech base, and the strategic need. What it lacks is urgency. In today’s world, sovereignty isn’t just about geography: it’s about who controls the technologies. Canada faces a critical choice: to take the lead in innovation and defence modernization or risk falling further behind.
Drone warfare has dramatically changed the overall landscape. What has surprised is that you don't need terribly sophisticated systems like a Reaper or Predator. The inexpensive ones that we have for recreational use will do fine. Canada has notoriously been behind the curve, largely underfunding their military which has affected their overall readiness and their ability to aid their allies in terms of armaments. If I was Ukraine, I wouldn't rely upon Canada for military supplies.
Canada absolutely needs to learn from Ukraine given the dismal state of the military and general complacency. It will be useful if America decides to do something deranged to Canada.